mental Information relevant to the Duma report from American sources. Part 1

We are reading the Russian point of view on the enormous corruption rampant in that country and the vast sums of stolen money a small group of criminals managed to get their hands on and then ship out of the country to safe havens. To supplement the official Russian report, we are adding supportive information from U.S. intelligence sources that bear directly on the Russian investigation. We have not sourced these for obvious reasons but in the second part of this, we will be far more specific about our sources. We should note that the flood of dollars, gold, platinum, oil and other valuables into the United States found safe homes in banks, savings and loan companies, real estate, stock holdings and much went into the pockets and personal bank accounts of law enforcement officials and very high level American political figures. Of course, no one in this country was ever accused of wrong doing, not the officials in the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and others to include members of Congress all of whom diminished the Russian spoils by taking their shares out. We are now seeing a similar issue over the 65 billion dollars Bernie Madoff stole. Bernie claimed he was running a ‘Ponzi scheme.’ Bernie was not. Bernie was taking the money, investing it in Israel at 10% and paying out 7% to his investors. The SEC and other regulators know just where Bernie hid his money but they have said, and will say, nothing because Israel will not give it back and American regulators do not want to deal with the rage of the defrauded who will never, ever, get back a cent. Bradley Moscrip


“After the death of Josef Stalin in 1953, the leadership of Russia passed into the hands of persons who were tired and ill. Leonid Brezhnev could barely stand for the last eight years of his life, while the Soviet system stagnated. His successor Yuri Andropov was already dying from liver disease when he took over. And his replacement, Konstantin Chernenko, was fatally ill.”


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“Finally, at the urging of Foreign Secretary Andrei Gromyko, a younger man was chosen: Mikhail Gorbachev. His closest adviser was Alexandre Yakovlev, who had been working for CIA since 1959 when he studied at Columbia University.
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Slowly, and with great care, a network of influence in the top levels of the Soviet government was constructed, using either CIA-paid personnel or persons whom this agency felt could be controlled. This network existed in every professional arena: politics, banking, industry, scientific research, media, and, the KGB.”

“President Reagan’s Strategic Defense Initiative , nicknamed ‘Star War’ by the American press, was essentially a bluff. It was designed to short-circuit the badly stretched Soviet economy. The Soviets were already spending almost all of their budget on their military-industrial complex instead of ensuring essential services to their citizens..

The U.S. was certainly not spending the amounts on defense projects that they led the Soviets to believe. In essence, the ‘Star Wars’ program was a very successful bluff. Through tactical disinformation, spread in the highest levels of the Soviet government, President Reagan created the image of an all-powerful American military that forced the Soviets to become economically bankrupt. The CIA, in whose hands Reagan left the destabilization of the Russian economy, were the strongest supporters of belief in the ‘Star Wars’ programs and their paid Russian agents, both inside and outside the United States, were fed daily doses of fictional ‘secret material’ to support the CIA’s basic thesis that the United States was capable of not only outspending but also outproducing the Soviet Union with the eventual, and specific, goal of launching a devastating attack on their country.

After President Reagan made a deliberately crafted ‘aside’ during a speech—“We begin bombing in five minutes”--KGB Chairman Vladimir Kryuchkov became convinced that Reagan did indeed intend to launch a military attack on the Soviet Union. V. Kryuchkov created Operation RYAN—a top priority secret mission to establish precisely when, not if, a U.S. sneak attack would occur. In support of this operation, legions of KGB operatives in the United States and her allies, began a frantic search to locate specific information that never existed other than a bluff.

It was the firm policy of the CIA to locate, penetrate and use an Eastern-Bloc country that would revolt against the Soviet Union, as Hungary had attempted in 1956 and Czechoslovakia twelve years later. Both of these revolts, it should be noted, were instigated by and paid for by the CIA itself. Their rationale was that Soviet leaders had grown old and weary and sick, and their system had become stymied in apparatchik ineptitude. And the Soviet Union’s military was heavily involved in Afghanistan, another area of CIA activity. The CIA instigated a revolt there, organized local resistance groups, armed them and gave them indirect support from their basis in Pakistan.

After the CIA studied the possibilities it eventually settled on Poland which then possessed a fiercely independent people devoted, not to communism but Catholicism (92 percent), and a dissatisfied intelligentsia and a labor force on the verge of rebellion. The CIA used its strong connections with the Sicilian Mafia to involve the Vatican in their program of incitement to rebellion and their efforts were richly rewarded in August 1980 at the shipyards in Gdansk and active and militant workers quickly evolved into the so-called Solidarity movement that, as scheduled by the CIA leadership, paralyzed the country. The CIA saw to it that Poland’s intelligentsia became actively involved in the uprising. The Catholic Church had assured widespread public support and in due time, the Polish government fully capitulated. But Solidarity got out of CIA control and made more demands on the government which guaranteed a military crackdown on them. However, telecommunications had come a long way since the Prague Spring of 1968. People the world over could see on live TV the harsh, oppressive reality of communism and martial law. Various CIA-controlled European anti-Communist radio systems at once flooded all the East Bloc countries with a constant drumfire of anti-Soviet propaganda.

The Solidarity movement itself went underground. and through the Vatican, CIA channeled millions of dollars to the outlawed Solidarity movement, giving it technology to interrupt state TV news broadcasts with announcements like, “Don’t believe these liars!”

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The Soviets, appalled by the defection of Poland, were essentially powerless to intervene as their military was heavily involved in Afghanistan“ As for the Loans for Shares scheme of November 1995 – under which majority shareholdings in some of the most valuable Russian companies were given to the oligarchs in return for loans, in fixed, unfair auctions – two World Bank employees presented a devastating expose of the corruption involved and the losses to the state to a conference in March 1996. The most startling story they told was of how Menatep, headed by Khodorkovsky and the erstwhile Russian representative to the IMF Kogalovsky, took control of Yukos oil company in the face of fierce allegations that the bid meant Menatep increased its exposure to ten times its capital, and that as both agent for the sale and bidder it was being afforded unfair protection by the Ministry of Finance. The two economists concluded: "The latest phase of privatization was a lose-lose proposition for all of the stakeholders in Russia. The government has sacrificed revenue and quality […] Any of the large Russian companies […] properly prepared for privatization would have yielded the government more revenue than all of the present transactions combined." Shortly after the two economists delivered their dire warnings that, on a "non level playing field" the Russian government had "simply […] transferred its controlling stakes in various companies to banks", the IMF stepped up its lending programmed to Russia: in 1996 it added $3.2 billion to the $5 billion agreed in 1995.
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The reason that IMF lending to Russia reached such a peak in early 1996 is well known: the IMF, together with the US and German governments, were desperately afraid that Yeltsin would not be re-elected. At the beginning of the year he had seemed to be unelectable. Wages and pensions arrears and the general fall in most people’s standard of living had made him very unpopular and the "reformers" were considering other possible presidential candidates, e.g. Viktor Chernomyrdin.

As is also well known, the seven most powerful financial oligarchs were brought together at the World Economic Forum at Davos, Switzerland in January 1996 by Boris Berezovsky, in order to sink their differences and unite behind Yeltsin. The oligarchs publicly expressed their position in the "Appeal of the 13" and subsequent documents.

Possibly as a direct result of this meeting, and certainly immediately following it, the Central Bank began to place funds, including much of the money Russia had been loaned by the IMF, in the accounts of its offshore subsidiaries Fimaco and Evrobank. This money was then recycled back in to the Russian financial markets to buy short-term treasury bonds (gosudarstvennyie kratkosrochnye obligatsiy or GKOs). This pump-priming with money from Fimaco and Evrobank helped to inflate the GKO market; western banks and investors then got in on the act, taking a bet on the outcome of the election. The Central Bank fixed the ruble exchange rate, interest rates rose and the yields on the GKOs increased to insane levels – nearly 200% by the time of the election. The result was that the state was able to use the proceeds from the sale of the GKOs to pay off pensions and wages arrears shortly before the election; it also let private employers know that they should pay off wages arrears rather than pay their taxes. This, together with completely fictitious promises that (for example) army conscription would be abolished, enabled Yeltsin to be re-elected. The votes were bought with IMF money that had been recycled through the GKO market to give it added value.
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In mid-1998,British officials investigating Russian organized criminal activities brought the attention of US authorities to a link between YBM Magnex, a front company for suspected Russian gangster Semyon Yukovich Mogilevich, and Benex, a firm owned by Peter Berlin, the husband of one of the subsequently-suspended Bank of New York (hereinafter ‘BNY’) vice-presidents. From October 1998 to March 1999, $4.2 billion in suspect money passed through the BNY accounts of Benex and other firms. Investigators allowed the account to remain open after March of 1999 as they continued their probe, and the total amount laundered eventually proved to be in excess of $10 billion. In August 1999, Swiss banks in Geneva discovered massive fraud involving Swiss banks and local prosecutors immediately froze 22 accounts of Russian individuals and corporate entities, worth a total of $15 million.
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The growing evidence of international criminal wrongdoing extended far beyond suspected organized crime figures like Mogilevich and point to high-level officials in the US and Russia. Investigators began to look into whether funds from the subsequently insolvent Russian bank, Menatep, were also involved in money laundering at BNY. Menatep was then owned by Russian oligarch Mikhail Khodorkovsky and employed, as a senior executive, Konstantin Kagalovsky.
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Federal officials, in the main, the New York office of the FBI in conjunction with their counterparts in Britain and Switzerland, launched an in-depth an investigation of what later proved to be the largest money-laundering scheme in US history. The investigation revealed that billions of dollars from Russia, the bulk of it from Russian criminal elements, were channeled through accounts at the Bank of New York. Two BNY vice-presidents were initially suspended as a result of the probe.
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Kagalovsky's role in the money-laundering operation highlighted the criminal character of the nouveau riche in Russia, for the most part born of the old Stalinist bureaucracy, as well as the complicity of Western financial institutions, governments, and academic advisors. Kagalovsky was involved at the highest level of the Russian government, serving as an advisor and as its representative to the IMF before moving on to Menatep in 1994. Prominently displayed in his office at Menatep were photographs of his meetings with George H.W. Bush, John Major and other Western leaders.

He left Menatep to become the vice-chairman of the Lukos oil conglomerate. This company had been acquired by Menatep on the cheap in a “loans-for-shares” scheme in which the bank extended credit to the Russian government in exchange for shares in the company's ownership. When the bank went under, Lukos picked up many of its assets, including its Moscow headquarters and a number of offshore holding companies, according to a report in a 1999 Wall Street Journal.

These holding companies are alleged to have been used to plunder a number of other Russian companies, also owned by Menatep. In a procedure known as tolling, the assets or products of manufacturing firms were sold to the holding companies at below-market prices. The offshore holding companies then sold the goods at normal prices, keeping the profits outside Russia. The Journal article cited one example of tolling in which $20 million was removed from a Russian titanium plant in just one year.
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In essence, and there are literally two reams of emails, Xeroxed documents and discs on this matter, this is what happened.
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Boris Yeltsin, the Russian President, was not only a very corrupt drunk but also in the pocket of the American CIA. The CIA, had the best connections with the upper levels of American business. When the Soviet Union imploded, American oil interests looked with growing hunger at the enormous Russian oil and gas reserves. They reasoned that if a compliant Yeltsin could be persuaded to privatize the former state oil holdings, American oil giants might be able to purchase controlling interests in these relatively untapped sources. This is exactly what happened. The prime mover in this buyout was a Russian gangster, one Semyon Yudkovich Mogilevich.

The name Semyon Mogilevich first came to public light in 1999 in connection with the Bank of New York (BoNY) This entity was owned by an Israeli working for the Mossad or foreign intelligence agency-Russian money laundering scandal. Media reports described Mogilevich as one of the most powerful and dangerous "godfathers" in the world. US and UK intelligence agencies believe that his organization operates in Russia, Hungary, Ukraine, Belorussia, Lithuania, Israel, United States, Columbia, Pakistan, Lebanon, Germany, Austria and dozens of other countries. Mogilevich has his hand in narcotics and weapon trafficking, prostitution, money laundering, gambling and numerous other illicit trades. He is extremely clever - a quality that earned him the nick-name the "Brainy Don" - as he is callous and brutal, ruling his world-wide syndicate with an iron-fist and extraordinary sagacity. In the mid 90s Mogilevich acquired a secret interest in Russian bank Inkombank. He then used it to finance his ignoble trade, most notably drug smuggling through the Georgian port of Poti, and funnel the proceeds to his and his "banker"-partners' offshore coffers. Mogilevich was de facto ruler of Inkombank when the BoNY - Inkombank relationship was at its peak.

Semyon Yudkovich Mogilevich was born into a middle-class Jewish family in Kiev on June 30, 1946, to Genya Tevevna Shepelskaya and Yudka Mogilevich. His early years are mist-shrouded. At the age of 22, Mogilevich earned an advance degree in economics from the prestigious University of Lvov. "He was a brilliant student" recalls one of his former professors - "he had a photographic memory and he could multiply, divide and add seven digit numbers in his head instantaneously." Another former professor said that Mogilevich had a great interest in macroeconomics and "was able to see a panoramic picture of national and world economies, everybody believed he would become a great academician."

An academic career however did not entice the future crime emperor. Russian police records reveal Mogilevich’s ties with a Moscow gang known as Lybretskaya in early 70s. At the time, the young Mogilevich was primarily involved in small time fraud and black market currency machinations. He was caught and twice served terms of three and four years in Russian prisons for "currency offenses."

In the 1980s Mogilevich found a niche in the then emerging immigration of Russian Jews to Israel. After receiving "exit visas" from Russian authorities, Jewish families were often given only a few days to leave the country and allowed to take out only bare essentials. Mogilevich would persuade them to leave all their possessions with him promising to sell them and sent the proceeds to their new homes in Israel.

Many immigrating families at the time owned expensive art objects, jewelry and other valuable items, exportation of which was strictly forbidden by Soviet authorities. Thus Mogilevich’s proposition appeared quite alluring. Mogilevich made a small fortune selling the property of thousands of departing families. He sent nothing to them in Israel correctly calculating that these people would have absolutely no recourse.

In 1990 Mogilevich decided to immigrate to Israel himself. By that time he had parlayed his "Jewish proceeds" into a fortune by craftily investing in various illicit enterprises, including weapons trafficking and prostitution. He arrived in Israel a millionaire, highly respected in the emerging Russian underworld as a shrewd operator who was capable of putting together complex international schemes. Several of Mogilevich’s top lieutenants immigrated with him.

Mogilevich became an Israeli citizen and made contacts with top Russian-Israeli organized crime figures, expanding his international crime syndicate. Expert-economist Mogilevich continued to acutely invest in everything from night-clubs to precious metals and stones, to liquor distilleries. At the same time Mogilevich continued to develop his world-wide networks of prostitution, weapon-running and drug smuggling. Mogilevich always operated through a complex web of offshore companies which he created.

In 1991 Mogilevich married Katalin Papp, a Hungarian citizen and a year later he moved to Hungary and settled down in Budapest. Marrying a Hungarian accorded Mogilevich the opportunity to obtain a Hungarian passport and by 1992 he was simultaneously a citizen of 4 countries: Russia, Ukraine, Israel and Hungary. He likes to refer to himself as "a citizen of the world."

Mogilevich decided to make Budapest the home of his growing criminal empire, which by that time operated on five continents. In Hungary he continued investing in legitimate enterprises, night clubs, restaurants and other liquor establishments. His major acquisition was a so-called Army Co-Op, a military plant producing anti-aircraft guns and surface-to-air missiles. His criminal organization was emerging as one of the world's largest and most feared international organized crime groups. Mogilevich fashioned it after the Sicilian Cosa Nostra but added "a unique Russian touch", according to one Hungarian intelligence official. Mogilevich befriended many Hungarian politicians and law enforcement officials thanks to payoffs and his charismatic personality.

Under their protection, Mogilevich’s organization flourished and expanded. He had de facto his own private army of enforcers numbering in the hundreds. Mogilevich preferred to recruit veterans of Soviet special forces who fought in the USSR war in Afghanistan and were known for their extreme viciousness. Mogilevich’s highly trained killers carried out his nefarious orders in over thirty countries, including Israel, Germany, Canada and the United States. Anyone standing in his way was tortured and murdered, their corpse very often conspicuously left gruesomely mutilated "for educational purposes," as one of his top enforcers, the infamous and universally feared Igor Tkachenko, once said. When Tkachenko was himself murdered in Budapest, Mogilevich’s "enforcement department" was headed by two brothers, Igor and Sergei Korolev, whose particular brand of brutality made them somewhat of a legend.

In 1993, Mogilevich joined forces with the Solntsevo crime syndicate, one of Moscow’s dominant crime families. Together the Mogilevich and Solntsevo syndicates invested in a joint venture which purchased antiques, precious stones and art stolen from churches and museums in Russia and Eastern Europe.

Mogilevich’s wife died in December of 1994. Initially he considered returning to Russia but decided to remain in Budapest. A year later he married his long time mistress, Russian-Israeli, Galina Alexeyevna Telesh-Jambulskaya. Apparently the relationship between Mogilevich and Telesh started long before their marriage, as their son was born in September of 1990. Mogilevich also has children from his prior marriages: a daughter Mila, born in 1972 and a son Yuly born in 1983.

Mogilevich continued to expand his armament cartel. To complement the Army Co-OP, he also acquired Magnex 2000, a large magnet manufacturer and defense contractor, and the Digep General Machine Works which manufactures artillery shells and mortar. These acquisitions gave Mogilevich virtual control of the Hungarian war industry.

Simultaneously Mogilevich developed powerful contacts in the Muslim Middle East, including with top officials in Iraq, Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan. These countries became the primary market for his weapon sales - both "legal" and illegal. Mogilevich structured a deal selling $20 million worth of armaments stolen from East Germany to an Iranian buyer. The weapons included ground-to-air missiles and a dozen armored personnel carriers, according to a Mossad officer, who spoke with the FBI on condition of anonymity.

By the mid-90s, Mogilevich’s ever growing illicit international multimillion dollar transactions required extensive banking contacts. Hiding behind a web of offshore shell companies became progressively more difficult as banks around the world were adopting a more cautious approach to Mogilevich-style "banking" and money movement. Mogilevich could no longer afford to be just a bank "customer." A need arose for an "equity partnership" with a bank that would be able and willing to both finance large international schemes and funnel the proceeds through his shell corporation world-wide. Mogilevich set his eye on Inkombank, by then one of Moscow’s largest privately owned banks with $3 billion in assets. What made Inkombank especially attractive to Mogilevich was its vast network of correspondent accounts, which Inkombank maintained with banks around the globe, including with such major banks as Bank of China, Union Bank of Switzerland, Swiss Bank Corp., and Deutchebank. In the US, Inkombank maintained its largest correspondent relationship with the Bank of New York. This was particularly crucial to the Brainy Don’s empire, as most of the world trade, legal and illegal, was effected in US dollars.

Because of its rapid expansion, Inkombank was short on liquidity and Mogilevich offered to "help." A secret deal was struck between Inkombank’s then chairman, Vladimir Vinogradov and Mogilevich’s representatives, whereby in exchange for $65 million, and a promise to help gain Inkombank's entree into the world’s arms market (which Vinogradov desperately sought,) Mogilevich’s front entities were given 23% in Inkombank’s equity. This gave the "latter day Don" de facto control over Inkombank.

The don kept his part of the bargain. In late 1996 he used his connections and muscle to help Inkombank’s bid for 25% of the common stock of the Sukhoy company, maker of the coveted Russian SU fighter jets arguably the world’s most advanced military aircraft, of which some are capable of carrying nuclear weapons. Countries like Iraq, Iran, India and Libya have gladly paid $30 to 50 million per aircraft and Sukhoy had generated $1 billion in sales in the three year period after Inkombank became its largest shareholder, accordingly to Russian intelligence sources. The proceeds were largely funneled from the Inkombank-Cyprus branch through BoNY correspondent accounts - to various offshore firms, including Brasset, Footnote and Bridge Investments, controlled by Vinogradov and Mogilevich.

Having Inkombank as a player in his multifaceted empire, propelled Mogilevich to the very top of global organized crime networks. He had now entered "the big time" and was able to participate in major deals. Running conventional arms around the world no longer fitted the don’s newly found "stature" and he attempted to move into the nuclear weapons black market. He financed the 1997 theft of six thousand pounds of enriched uranium from a Warsaw Pact storage facility intending to sell it to a Middle East buyer and deliver it through the former Soviet republic of Tajikistan. The deal was negotiated in the Czech resort of Karlovy Vary but Czech intelligence and security forces were able to stop it days before the fissile material was to be shipped to the Middle East. The uranium was safely recovered and Mogilevich’s partners in crime, J. Vagner, a nuclear physicist, Z. Sindlauer, a Prague police official and A. Sczerbinian, a Tadjik entrepreneur, were arrested. Mogilevich however was able to buy his way out with large bribes and by arranging for the disappearance of key witnesses. Intelligence sources said that this was the largest known theft of nuclear material ever.

According to filings in Federal court in New York, in mid-1998, The Bank of New York security personnel raised concerns to BoNY CEO Thomas Renyi about the association and apparent close ties between Mogilevich and Konstantin Kagalovsky, the husband of Natasha Kagalovsky, BoNY’s senior vice president in charge of its Eastern European Division. Renyi personally "interviewed" Kagalovsky about the matter but no action was taken. Court documents also show that BoNY was linked to at least two Hungarian banks, MKB Bank and CIB Bank, that have been the subject of FBI investigations concerning their ties to Semyon Mogilevich. Both MKB Bank and CIB Bank were involved in circular transactions for substantial amounts that were listed on Inkombank’s statement for its BoNY accounts in November and December 1993. In addition, law enforcement authorities in Latin America have investigated transactions whereby Mogilevich, or persons under his control, gave Kagalovsky wire transfer instructions to move funds through BoNY for the Cali drug cartel through Brazilian banks to offshore companies.

The FBI "wanted" alert warned that Mogilevich might be armed and dangerous and asks anyone with information about him to contact his local FBI office or the nearest US embassy
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On April 24, 2003, a federal indictment, unsealed, in the Eastern District of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, charged Semyon Mogilevich and his two cohorts, Igor L'Vovich Fisherman, and Anatoli Tsoura with 45 counts of racketeering, securities fraud, wire fraud, mail fraud, and money laundering, according to the FBI crime alert. The three men were wanted for their participation in a multi-million dollar scheme to defraud investors in the stock of YBM Magnex International, Inc. (YBM), a public company incorporated in Canada, but headquartered in Newtown, Bucks County, Pennsylvania. Investors lost more than 150 million dollars through the alleged scheme that included inflating stock values, preparing bogus financial books and records, lying to Securities and Exchange Commission officials, and offering bribes to accountants. The scheme to defraud collapsed on May 13, 1998, when federal search warrants were executed in Pennsylvania and trading of the YBM stock was suspended by the Ontario Securities Exchange.

The company later pleaded guilty to conspiracy to commit securities and mail fraud. YBM paid a $2 million fine, and agreed to pay $1 million more to reimburse investors, as part of a plea bargain.

The indictment alleged that between 1993 and September of 1998, Semion Mogilevich headed and controlled the Mogilevich Enterprise, an association which consisted of the aforementioned individuals and a network of companies in over twenty different countries which orchestrated a sophisticated scheme to defraud investors in YBM stock. The scheme was allegedly funded and authorized by Mogilevich. This complex network of corporations was set up to create the illusion that YBM was engaged in a profitable international business, primarily the industrial magnet market. Igor Fisherman served as the Chief Operating Officer of YBM on behalf of Mogilevich, who was YBM's major shareholder. Anatoli Tsoura was the Vice President of Finance for YBM's main subsidiary.

U.S. Attorney Patrick Meehan said the company was no more than "a well disguised illusion." "Books were cooked. Auditors were deceived. Bribes were paid to accountants," Meehan said, according to the Wall Street Journal report
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FBI agents arrested YBM's former chief executive, Jacob Bogatin, at his home in Richboro, an affluent town near Philadelphia. Bogatin , a naturalized U.S. citizen from Russia, netted more than $10 million from the YBM scheme, according to the indictment. Fisherman , also a naturalized Russian American, got more than $3 million and Tsoura , a Russian national, more than $1 million. Mogilevich skimmed over $18 million in profits from the scheme, indictment charged.

Jeffrey A. Lampinski, the head of Philadelphia FBI office, traveled to Moscow and Kiev and met with Russian and Ukrainian law enforcement officials to ask for help in arresting Mogilevich and his two lieutenants. Lampinsky said Russian and Ukrainian authorities promised help in locating the fugitives. However, at least one high ranking Russian official privately expressed skepticism that Mogilevich would be caught and extradited.
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Mogilevich utilized the aliases Seva Moguilevich, Semon Yudkovich Palagnyuk, Semen Yukovich Telesh, Simeon Mogilevitch, Semjon Mogilevcs, Shimon Makelwitsh, Shimon Makhelwitsch, and "Seva", according to the FBI.

Mogilevich masterminded the great oil swindle in which official agencies like the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, along with the Israeli-controlled Bank of New York, sent huge sums of money to the so-called “oligarchs” who successfully bought up the Russian oil and gas industry. They were, in essence, being paid for a controlling interest in their holdings. These oligarchs, listed herewith, were all men with previous criminal backgrounds in drug sales, prostitution, extortion, espionage and money- laundering. Besides their criminal records, the oligarchy all were Jewish and most held dual Russian/Israeli citizenship.

In order to facilitate American assistance, Mogilevich made contact with Republican lobbyist Jack Abramof. From 1996, the American CIA in conjunction with various European law enforcement agencies, were tapping Mogilevich’s international telephone calls (with the assistance of the secret NSA “Operation Harvest” that taps into all the communications satellites worldwide) and became aware of the outlines of the enormous swindle. From this, it was learned that a person being contacted with the purpose of security top level financial support and official U.S. government blindness, was a man called “Производитель” or Producer. This was later positively identified as Jack Abramof, who had produced a terrible movie called – “Red Scorpion,” released in 1989. His high-level American contact was identified as - Истребитель Exterminator- who was later positively identified as Tomas Dale DeLay, Congressman and powerful Republican figure from Texas. At one time, DeLay, a personal friend of Abramof, ran a pest exterminiator company in Texas, one that failed due to the rampant alcoholism of the later Republican Whip.

The problem with Mogilievich’s plan was that Yeltsin was forced to retire and Vladimir Putin, a former KGB colonel, was elected to the office of Russian President. Unlike Yeltsin, who was a drunken American “asset,”, Putin at once recognized the potential economic disaster to Russia if the American oil interests controlled of that nation’s increasingly valuable natural resources. He followed the old Italian dictum that he who goes softly goes safely and he who goes safely goes far. In short, Putin broke the back of the U.S.-sponsored oligarchs, either imprisoning them or causing them to flee from extradition-safe Israel. The oil and natural gas assets reverted back to state control and none of those, including institutions and private parties, who invested with the oligarchs in the hope of enormous financial rewards, recovered a cent of their ill-advised investments.

While the now-disgraced DeLay apparently did nothing more than pressure various agencies to cooperate with Mogilevich’s criminal enterprises, nevertheless, it also appears that at least $10,000,000 in U.S. dollars was paid into a bank account at the Banque Suisse at 2 rue Confédération in Geneva, Switzerland in 1999 and 2000. From a European source (such things are strictly off-limits in the Republican-controlled United States) it is learned that DeLay was not alone in reaping enormous rewards although he was one of the few non-Jews to do so.

End of Part 1